Mervyn King, Governor of the Bank of England, fears that America shares many of the same fiscal problems currently haunting Europe. He
also believes that European Union must become a federalised fiscal union
(in other words with central power to tax and spend) if it is to
survive. Just two of the nuggets from one of the most extraordinary
press conferences I have been to at the Bank.
What with all the excitement yesterday over our new Government, I never had time to remark on the Inflation Report press conference. Most
of our attention was on what King said about the Government’s fiscal
plans (a ringing endorsement). But, as Jeremy Warner has written
in today’s paper, it was as if King had suddenly been unleashed.
Bear in mind King is usually one of the most guarded policymakers in
both British and central banking circles. Not yesterday.
It isn’t often one has the opportunity to get such a blunt and straightforward insight into the thoughts of one of the world’s leading
economic players. Most of this stuff usually stays behind closed
doors, so it’s worth taking note of. And I suspect that while George
Osborne will have been happy to hear his endorsement of the new
Government’s policies, Barack Obama and the European leaders will have
been far less pleased with his frank comments on their predicament.
The transcript
and video are online at the Bank’s website, but below are the
extended highlights, all emphasis mine. Well worth checking out.
America, and many other large economies including the UK, share some of the same problems as Greece with its public finances:
Every country around the world is in a similar position, even the United States; the world’s largest economy has a very large fiscal
deficit. And one of the concerns in financial markets is
clearly – how will this enormous stock of public debt be reduced over
the next few years? And it’s very important that governments, both here
and elsewhere, get to grips with this problem, have a clear approach
and a very clear and credible approach to reducing the size of those
deficits over, in our case, the lifetime of this parliament, in order to
convince markets that they should be willing to continue to finance
the very large sums of money that will be needed to be raised from
financial markets over the next few years, at reasonable interest rates.
On why Europe will have to become a federalised fiscal union:
I do not want to comment on a particular measure by a particular country, but I do want to suggest that within the Euro Area it’s
become very clear that there is a need for a fiscal union to make the
Monetary Union work. But if that is to happen there needs to
be also a mechanism to enable other countries that have lost
competitiveness to regain competitiveness. That requires actions,
probably structural reforms, changes in wages and prices, in the
countries that need to regain competitiveness. But it also needs a solid
and expansionary state of domestic demand in the stronger economies in
Europe.
On the deficit:
The most important thing now is for the new government to deal with the challenge of the fiscal deficit. It is the single most
pressing problem facing the United Kingdom; it will take a full
parliament to deal with, and it is very important that measures are
taken straight away to demonstrate the seriousness and the credibility
of the commitment to dealing with that deficit.
Why it is right that the Government wants to cut spending as soon as this year:
We see the recovery beginning to take place, and we expect that the pace of that recovery will pick up. But we’ve also seen the market
response in the past two weeks, where major investors around the world
are asking themselves questions about the interest rate at which they
are prepared to finance trillions of pounds of money that will need to
be raised on financial markets in the next two to three years, to
finance government requirements around the world. And that I think has
been a sobering reflection of what can happen if you don’t make very
clear at the outset – I think markets were not expecting any action
before the election. After the election they need and they want a very
clear, strong signal and evidence of the determination to make it work.
And I think that it’s quite difficult to make credible a commitment to fiscal consolidation if all the measures are somehow in the future. You need to start and get on with it….
I don’t believe that the scale of those measures, the £6bn cuts, is likely to be such as to dramatically change the outlook for growth this
year. And as I said earlier in response to answers, I think it does reduce
some of the downside risks by taking away some of the market
risk that might have occurred if there’d been a sharp upward movement
in yields.
On Greece:
I think the lesson from Greece is that, if the problem had been dealt with three months ago, it would not have become as serious as it
subsequently became. And I think the important thing now is that Greece
has been dealt with a major IMF and European Union package…
But those measures provide only a window of opportunity. They do not affect the total amount of debt, in themselves which countries around
the world have to repay. The markets, which some of our European
partners like to describe as speculators causing difficulty, are the
very same markets where the public sector is looking to provide
trillions of pounds of support to finance public debt around the major
countries in the world over the next few years.
What matters is that those investors are prepared to buy government debt at interest rates which make it tolerable for the countries
concerned. And that is why it is important for each and every country to
demonstrate that they are on top of a programme for their country to
reduce the fiscal deficit to a sustainable path.
That has been the big message, but within the international community I think there is a very clear understanding that the package of
financial support which was made available at the weekend is not an
underlying solution to the problem. It provides a window of opportunity
which gives governments the chance to put their house in order; and it
gives the international economic community a chance to talk about what I
think – and have always said for some considerable time – to be one of
the major issues facing us, which is the need to rebalance demand
around the world economy.
On how worried international leaders are about the economy and Europe’s fiscal problems:
As you know international conversations proceed very slowly – too slowly usually. In 2008 there was an exception.
I think the mood and manner of the G7 meetings at the IMF in October
2008 was very different, and that people did come together and
recognise that, unless they worked together, we would all be facing an
extraordinarily serious position. That’s pretty well documented in Hank
Paulson’s memoirs of the period.
But I think what I heard on the telephone conversations that I was part of at the weekend, it was slightly reminiscent of that: a
recognition that the problems are far too serious for countries not to
work together. After all, dealing with a banking crisis was difficult
enough, but at least there were public sector balance sheets onto which
the problems could be moved.
Once you move into the sphere of concerns about sovereign debt, there is no answer; there’s no backstop. And it is very important therefore
that we hit these problems on the head now, put in place credible
solutions to prevent the problems becoming worse.
And I detected at the weekend, in the conversations that I spent hours listening to on the telephone, that this sense of the need to work together was there again….
It is absolutely vital, absolutely vital, for governments to get on top of this problem. We cannot afford to allow concerns about
sovereign debt to spread into a wider crisis dealing with sovereign
debt. Dealing with a banking crisis was bad enough. This would be worse.
Why it’s too early to start raising UK interest rates, but not too early to be worried about inflation:
If you mean a tightening of monetary policy, then at some point it certainly will come. And when it comes it will be very welcome because
it will be a sign of the strength of the UK economy, and the fact that
we feel we will need to tighten monetary policy because we think the
prospect for inflation is that it will not be to fall below the target
as a result of so much spare capacity. So I think we would look forward
to that time when it will come, because it will be a reflection of
strength of the economy.
We’re not at that point now; I don’t know when it will come; that’s something we will judge month by month.
I can assure you the MPC is very concerned about what’s been happening
to inflation. I do think that we have seen a sequence of shocks, price
level shocks, which have inevitably raised inflation. We have also seen
in the past three years two episodes now in which inflation did go up
quite significantly and then came down quite sharply. And I think our
judgement is that next year we will see a repeat of that. If these
effects are not repeated, if we don’t see further increases in indirect
taxes, or oil prices, then those shocks will not be there and
inflation will start to come back and reflect the extent of spare
capacity.
Fond words on former Chancellor Alistair Darling:
Perhaps I could take the opportunity of thanking Alistair Darling, and saying that I think that – for someone who became Chancellor and
after only a few weeks the world’s greatest financial crisis took place –
he has brought, not just domestically but internationally, a sense of
calm and good humour which has made it much easier to deal with the
problems that arose. And indeed, I think we had some rocky times, but we
ended up with a very strong working relationship and in large part
that’s because of the way he handled himself in the job.
Rather less fond words on former PM Gordon Brown:
I worked very closely with him late at night, weekends, to deal with the financial crisis. And I think when we both look back on our careers
in many years to come, not now, many years to come, we will reflect
that we probably had few opportunities to do something as important as
the recapitalisation of the banking system in October 2008. It led, I
think, the reaction of the rest of the world to that crisis. We worked
incredibly closely on that. And I think that will seem a high point.
And I very much valued the opportunity to work closely with Gordon
Brown over many years as Chancellor and then Prime Minister. He had a
remarkable period in office. And I wish him well in what I suspect is a
career of which we may yet see more to come.
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